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From: Irish Foreign Affairs: Editorials |
Date: February, 2013 |
By: Editorial |
Irish Soldiers in Mali |
Irish Soldiers in Mali In February Irish Justice Minister Alan Shatter announced that Irish soldiers, under British control, will go to Mali in support of France’s re-occupation of its former colony. He did not say why. The British-Irish military intervention in Mali can be traced back to the western coup against Libya’s Colonel Gaddafi. France has moved to protect its strategic economic interests in the region. The official reason for re-occupation is to roll back an Al-Qaida takeover of Mali involving fanatical Taliban-style religious persecution and atrocities. According to a 2008 report by a French parliamentary committee, about 18 per cent of the raw material used to power France's 58 nuclear reactors came from neighbouring Niger in 2008. Mali itself is rich in uranium and other minerals. For example, it produces four tons of gold every year, mined by men, women and small children for a pittance, in desperate working conditions. Nuclear energy, including “weaponisable” nuclear power, has been a contentious issue in the region, from Gaddafi’s Libya through to Israel and Iran, and including Iran’s great enemy Saudi Arabia. Control of nuclear resources and raw materials is a major issue, and Mali is central to it. Mali’s 14 million people, predominantly Muslim, are mostly sub-Saharan black African, with some Arabs and about 10 per cent lighter-skinned Tuareg inhabiting the extensive arid northern parts adjoining Algeria. The Tuareg are a Berber people, the linguistic group indigenous to North West Africa – the “Barbery” Coast. Colonial French warfare against the Berbers was marked by “razzia” – subjugation by military destruction and plunder. When Timbuktu, an ancient centre of learning, was captured in 1894, the Southern part of France’s African Empire was united with Algeria in a great land mass known as French West Africa. After Mali (“French Sudan”) was de-colonised by France in 1960, secessionist Tuareg in Northern Mali rebelled against the Mali government. Following the latest Tuareg rebellion there was a military coup against the Mali government. The Irish-British expeditionary force is in support of the new military dictatorship in Mali, to put down the Tuareg rebellion. Relations between Berber/Tuaregs, Arabs and black Africans in the region involve ethnic tension and political differences. In Mali the differences are as deep and real as those in Northern Ireland. But despite the western propaganda about extremist “Islamist” terror and oppression, the differences are not due to religion. The women are not veiled. Tuareg men wear a facial veil, for customary rather than religious reasons. Libyan leader Muammar al-Gaddafi, an Arab, successfully sought to stabilise Mali and to reduce ethnic tensions between the population groups. When Gaddafi was overthrown by a western coup in support of “Islamists”, many well-armed Tuareg soldiers who had been resisting Al-Qaeda in Libya returned to Azawad, the secessionist part of Mali. One of the Malian Tuareg rebels, Lyad ag Ghali, formed a minority group called Ansar ud-Din (Defenders of the Faith) and proclaimed a policy of imposing Sharia law. This has provided cover for the French re-occupation. There are reports of atrocities on both sides. Some reports of rebel atrocities in Timbuktu have been shown to be fabrications. The British-Irish military expedition in support of the Mali military dictatorship is not for combat but for training, including “gender awareness”. This information comes from the British government. Irish involvement was embarked on without consulting Dáil Éireann or any other form of public discussion. In that respect the Irish government is no better than the Mali military regime that it is now allied with. The Irish government is practically silent about this highly significant departure. So is this another sneaky attempt to re-orient Irish foreign policy? Shatter gave no compelling reason for Irish involvement in Mali; the agreement (to put Irish soldiers under British command in an imperialist sortie) was “historical” and came just under two years since the visit of Queen Elizabeth: “It is yet another indicator of the total normalisation of relationships between all of us on this island, the island of Ireland, and between this State and the United Kingdom.” ‘Irish, UK troops to deploy to Mali’ Irish Times, 13 Feb 2013. Nothing in particular to do with Mali, then. Just the first green shoots of getting things back to normal between Ireland and Britain, the way they were before the unfortunate parting of the ways between the two countries. Well, one country really. After all, for more than a century Ireland was the backbone of British power, in the sense of providing the bulk of the cannon fodder for world conquest. Then, like now, the good-hearted Paddies did not ask their master for reasons when they signed up in droves for the killing fields. Theirs not to reason why, theirs but to do or die. The following statement by British “defence” minister Philip Hammond provides more information: 'We welcome the Irish contribution which will help develop further working relations between our two countries,' said Mr Hammond. Philip Hammond, the defence secretary, confirmed that Britain would contribute 40 personnel to a European Union training mission due to start in the spring. In the circumstances, Kevin Myers has done a public service by speaking plainly in the Irish Independent newspaper on 15 February 2013: ‘But be in no doubt. The Mali training mission has nothing to do with traditional "peacekeeping": the days of social workers with guns are over, the era of peace-enforcing, by violent means, is upon us. The excuse for foreign conquest used to be Christian salvation, or Progress, or Civilisation, or Human Rights. It can be Democracy, but that’s an awkward one in the case of Mali, where we want to prop up a compliant military dictatorship which just happens to be sitting on mineral riches. Judging by the Irish government’s conduct, it seems we no longer actually need a reason to align ourselves with forces using missiles, drones, smart bombs and depleted uranium. We pay the wages of our soldiers, supposedly as a “defence force” for Ireland. But the government does not see fit even to invite public discussion by our political representatives before involving them in propping up a military regime in another continent. War with Everybody is a foreign affairs article (29.10.1842), still profoundly relevant, from the third issue of the Nation newspaper, founded in 1842 by Thomas Davis and Charles Gavan Duffy: "War with everybody is at present the enviable condition of our amiable sister of England. The remainder of this article ranges widely over world political and economic affairs, including contemporary rebellions in Canada, American protectionist tariffs, and German national development. Colonel Gaddafi sought to stabilise the regional state system in Africa. In Mali he achieved a degree of reconciliation between Tuareg, Arab and black Africans. Whether or not it is an unintended consequence, the destruction of Libya has set in train the unravelling of adjoining states. Nigeria, Chad and Niger are now vulnerable. Ireland did not participate actively in the overthrow of Gaddafi. Why should it dabble mischievously in the resulting mess? Whatever one’s views might be about propping up the Mali military regime, it seems certain that the situation in that country is a direct consequence of the western push against Gaddafi’s government. Just like Afghanistan, it seems a safe bet that this new Irish involvement in imperialism, undertaken as fait accompli and without public discussion, will not end well. |