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From: Irish Foreign Affairs: Editorials
Date: February, 2013
By: Editorial

Irish Soldiers in Mali

Irish Soldiers in Mali

In February Irish Justice Minister Alan Shatter announced that Irish soldiers, under British control, will go to Mali in support of France’s re-occupation of its former colony. He did not say why.

The British-Irish military intervention in Mali can be traced back to the western coup against Libya’s Colonel Gaddafi. France has moved to protect its strategic economic interests in the region.

The official reason for re-occupation is to roll back an Al-Qaida takeover of Mali involving fanatical Taliban-style religious persecution and atrocities.

According to a 2008 report by a French parliamentary committee, about 18 per cent of the raw material used to power France's 58 nuclear reactors came from neighbouring Niger in 2008. Mali itself is rich in uranium and other minerals. For example, it produces four tons of gold every year, mined by men, women and small children for a pittance, in desperate working conditions.

Nuclear energy, including “weaponisable” nuclear power, has been a contentious issue in the region, from Gaddafi’s Libya through to Israel and Iran, and including Iran’s great enemy Saudi Arabia. Control of nuclear resources and raw materials is a major issue, and Mali is central to it.

Mali’s 14 million people, predominantly Muslim, are mostly sub-Saharan black African, with some Arabs and about 10 per cent lighter-skinned Tuareg inhabiting the extensive arid northern parts adjoining Algeria. The Tuareg are a Berber people, the linguistic group indigenous to North West Africa – the “Barbery” Coast.

Colonial French warfare against the Berbers was marked by “razzia” – subjugation by military destruction and plunder. When Timbuktu, an ancient centre of learning, was captured in 1894, the Southern part of France’s African Empire was united with Algeria in a great land mass known as French West Africa.

After Mali (“French Sudan”) was de-colonised by France in 1960, secessionist Tuareg in Northern Mali rebelled against the Mali government.

Following the latest Tuareg rebellion there was a military coup against the Mali government. The Irish-British expeditionary force is in support of the new military dictatorship in Mali, to put down the Tuareg rebellion.
Relations between Berber/Tuaregs, Arabs and black Africans in the region involve ethnic tension and political differences. In Mali the differences are as deep and real as those in Northern Ireland. But despite the western propaganda about extremist “Islamist” terror and oppression, the differences are not due to religion. The women are not veiled. Tuareg men wear a facial veil, for customary rather than religious reasons.

Libyan leader Muammar al-Gaddafi, an Arab, successfully sought to stabilise Mali and to reduce ethnic tensions between the population groups. When Gaddafi was overthrown by a western coup in support of “Islamists”, many well-armed Tuareg soldiers who had been resisting Al-Qaeda in Libya returned to Azawad, the secessionist part of Mali.

One of the Malian Tuareg rebels, Lyad ag Ghali, formed a minority group called Ansar ud-Din (Defenders of the Faith) and proclaimed a policy of imposing Sharia law. This has provided cover for the French re-occupation. There are reports of atrocities on both sides. Some reports of rebel atrocities in Timbuktu have been shown to be fabrications.

The British-Irish military expedition in support of the Mali military dictatorship is not for combat but for training, including “gender awareness”.

This information comes from the British government. Irish involvement was embarked on without consulting Dáil Éireann or any other form of public discussion. In that respect the Irish government is no better than the Mali military regime that it is now allied with.

The Irish government is practically silent about this highly significant departure. So is this another sneaky attempt to re-orient Irish foreign policy?

Shatter gave no compelling reason for Irish involvement in Mali; the agreement (to put Irish soldiers under British command in an imperialist sortie) was “historical” and came just under two years since the visit of Queen Elizabeth:
“It is yet another indicator of the total normalisation of relationships between all of us on this island, the island of Ireland, and between this State and the United Kingdom.” ‘Irish, UK troops to deploy to Mali’ Irish Times, 13 Feb 2013.

Nothing in particular to do with Mali, then. Just the first green shoots of getting things back to normal between Ireland and Britain, the way they were before the unfortunate parting of the ways between the two countries. Well, one country really. After all, for more than a century Ireland was the backbone of British power, in the sense of providing the bulk of the cannon fodder for world conquest. Then, like now, the good-hearted Paddies did not ask their master for reasons when they signed up in droves for the killing fields. Theirs not to reason why, theirs but to do or die.
The following statement by British “defence” minister Philip Hammond provides more information:

'We welcome the Irish contribution which will help develop further working relations between our two countries,' said Mr Hammond. Philip Hammond, the defence secretary, confirmed that Britain would contribute 40 personnel to a European Union training mission due to start in the spring.
Twenty-one soldiers from 1st Battalion Royal Irish Regiment will do the infantry training, and 12 personnel will carry out mortar and artillery training.
In addition, the UK is contributing four personnel to the headquarters staff and three civilians from the Foreign Office's Preventing Sexual Violence Initiative to provide human rights and gender awareness training.
The team will be augmented by a further six infantry trainers from the Republic of Ireland.' ‘Britain to send Military Advisers to Mali’, Daily Telegraph, 18 Feb 2013.

In the circumstances, Kevin Myers has done a public service by speaking plainly in the Irish Independent newspaper on 15 February 2013:

‘But be in no doubt. The Mali training mission has nothing to do with traditional "peacekeeping": the days of social workers with guns are over, the era of peace-enforcing, by violent means, is upon us.
From Nigeria to Somalia, throughout the Arab world, and on either side of the Hindu Kush, armed Islamism is resurgent. Ireland is now taking its place in the line in the great war of values, which was formally declared on 9/11. NATO chief Anders Fogh Rasmussen says he would welcome Irish membership of NATO. So would I. ... FINALLY, finally, some sense has prevailed in the Army's relationship witof a handful of Army soldiers on a training mission in Mali with soldiers of the Royal Irish Regiment, a full 90 years after the two armies went their separate ways, is a long overdue recognition of political, cultural and geographical realities. Perhaps it is no coincidence that the Minister responsible is Jewish, and is therefore less beholden to the traditions of querulous deference to "republican" sensitivities, which has gravely undermined the willingness of our political classes to engage in any closer military co-operation with the British'.
‘Helping Britain’s army marks end of “social workers with guns” era’, Irish Independent, 15 Feb 2013.


The excuse for foreign conquest used to be Christian salvation, or Progress, or Civilisation, or Human Rights. It can be Democracy, but that’s an awkward one in the case of Mali, where we want to prop up a compliant military dictatorship which just happens to be sitting on mineral riches.

Judging by the Irish government’s conduct, it seems we no longer actually need a reason to align ourselves with forces using missiles, drones, smart bombs and depleted uranium. We pay the wages of our soldiers, supposedly as a “defence force” for Ireland. But the government does not see fit even to invite public discussion by our political representatives before involving them in propping up a military regime in another continent.

War with Everybody is a foreign affairs article (29.10.1842), still profoundly relevant, from the third issue of the Nation newspaper, founded in 1842 by Thomas Davis and Charles Gavan Duffy:
"War with everybody is at present the enviable condition of our amiable sister of England.
At the uttermost end of earth her soldiers and sailors are triumphing – if triumph that can be called which is victory without glory – over a nation of feminine creatures, destitute even of the brute instinct of resistance, and apparently incapable of imitating the most timid animals, which becomes valorous by despair. Thousands of these unhappy wretches, who yet, be it remembered, are human beings, nurtured to men’s estate, not without many sufferings, tears and cares, – every one of them having parents, wives, children, friends, or some or all of these to lament their loss – are being butchered mercilessly – mowed down by canister and grape, or driven into the rivers at the point of the bayonet – and for what?

Why, simply, because a horde of scoundrel smugglers, busy in the pursuit of unhallowed gain, have been interdicted by the Emperor of China – a potentate whose relation towards his subjects is less monarchical than paternal – from poisoning with their contraband opium the bodies, and rendering more imbecile the minds of his People.
This is, truly, an honourable warfare for a great, moral (!) and religious (!!) nation to be engaged in; and we need hardly say, we wish it all the success it deserves.

Then, in the country beyond the Indus, where, really and truly, they had no business whatever – in Affghanistan – where ruled a monarch friendly, or at least not hostile, to the British – some insane fear of Russia and Persia, or rather some accursed lust of power, plunder, and blood-letting, disguised under the mask of affected fear, set armies in motion through dangerous passes, and over barren mountains, to achieve the semblance of a triumph in the capture of Cabul, and the dethronement of Dost Mahomed – the best, if not the only friend the British had in these barbarous regions.

But there are no Chinese men-women in Affghanistan, nor is Akhbar Khan a mandarin of the third button.
The doctrine of resistance is perfectly well understood among these fierce children of the crescent; and fearfully have they carried this doctrine into practice. Let the bones of thirteen thousand British subjects, whitening in the wintry blast, testify how dearly England has paid for her unjust, and worse than that – her foolish, her stupid aggression upon this indomitable People.

There is no disguising the fact: England has been “thrashed” by a fellow living at the back of a mountain, this said Akhbar Khan. He shot down their Envoy – exterminated their legions – carried away captive their women and children; and the whole energy, wisdom and bravery of their rulers are now put into action, not to subdue the Affghans – not to tax them – not to divide and govern them – not even to convert them; but to buy off British women and children, get the most respectable [terms?] they can for future transactions,. …' (reprinted in The Nation: Selections 1842-1844, Aubane Historical Society, 2000; Volume One: Young Ireland, Daniel O’Connell, Monster Meetings, State Trials, A New Irish Culture.)


The remainder of this article ranges widely over world political and economic affairs, including contemporary rebellions in Canada, American protectionist tariffs, and German national development.

Colonel Gaddafi sought to stabilise the regional state system in Africa. In Mali he achieved a degree of reconciliation between Tuareg, Arab and black Africans. Whether or not it is an unintended consequence, the destruction of Libya has set in train the unravelling of adjoining states. Nigeria, Chad and Niger are now vulnerable.

Ireland did not participate actively in the overthrow of Gaddafi. Why should it dabble mischievously in the resulting mess? Whatever one’s views might be about propping up the Mali military regime, it seems certain that the situation in that country is a direct consequence of the western push against Gaddafi’s government.

Just like Afghanistan, it seems a safe bet that this new Irish involvement in imperialism, undertaken as fait accompli and without public discussion, will not end well.